How Hillary Stage Managed The Most Corrupt Two Years in Our History

Watch Her Epstein Deposition and You'll Understand

Post-Epstein press conference

Some years ago I saw up close Indiana University basketball coach Bobby Knight storm off the court after a loss and thought, “I would hate to get in the way of that.” After watching Hillary Clinton’s deposition in the Epstein case, I sensed a comparable fury that Bill Clinton would definitely not want to get in the way of.

In November 1994, Hillary was furious. In a time of peace and economic growth, Democrats had lost an incredible 52 seats in the House and 8 in the Senate. Her husband’s presidency was on the ropes. There was even talk that he would be primaried.

Desperate times called for desperate measures, and so Hillary summoned the one advisor amoral enough to reverse the Clintons’ fortunes, the politically ambidextrous Dick Morris. At their first get-together, Morris insisted on weekly meetings, and the Clintons agreed. For the first month, Hillary attended the meetings and then strategically withdrew.

After being physically attacked by Bill, Hillary summoned Dick Morris to save the day

As Morris reported in his 1997 book Behind the Oval Office, Clinton would share Morris’s advice and the polling data with Hillary, and “she read every word.” When he encountered Hillary, Morris added, “She showed familiarity with every bit of it.” About being in Hillary’s presence, said Morris, “There is no colder feeling on the planet.” By the summer, after a bit of a thaw, the two began to meet in private,_, bi-weekly sessions.

From the beginning, Morris insisted on one strategy above all others: filling the airwaves with TV ads early and relentlessly. “Week after week, month after month,” wrote Morris, “from early July 1995 more or less continually until election day in ‘96, sixteen months later, we bombarded the public with ads.”

To pull this off, the Clintons had to ignore federal election laws and run their reelection ads though the Democratic National Committee. With the DNC broke after the 1994 rout, raising this much money was not easy. “You don’t know, you don’t have any remote idea,” Bill Clinton would tell Morris, “how hard I have to work, how hard Hillary has to work, how hard Al [Gore] has to work to raise this much money.”

The bulk of the money went to TV. An adept strategist, Morris understood the sympathies of the media and devised a strategy to accommodate their willful blindness. To achieve “relative secrecy” he chose not to advertise at all in New York City or Washington DC. and only occasionally in Los Angeles. “If these cities remained dark,” recalled Morris, “the national press would not make an issue out of our ads—of this we felt sure.”

“No one in the media really caught on,” said Woodward post-election, conceding the ads “were deceptive enough to be appalling.”

An unprecedented series of untruthful, arguably illegal ads, which reached about 125 million Americans three times a week, should have been obvious to the media and scandalous from the outset. The scandal would have exploded if the media had asked where the money was coming from to pay for the ads. Our journalists chose not to inquire.

After the 1996 election Senator Fred Thompson’s committee spelled it out: “The president and his aides demeaned the offices of the president and vice president, took advantage of minority groups, pulled down all the barriers that would normally be in place to keep out illegal contributions, pressured policy makers, and left themselves open to strong suspicion that they were selling not only access to high-ranking officials, but policy as well.”

The committee’s most troubling find was this: “Millions of dollars were raised in illegal contributions, much of it from foreign sources.” In exchange for cash, the Clintons sold the farm and its equipment: encryption programs, high performance computers, satellite technology, advance machine tools, communications systems, and much more.

Gunrunner Wang Jun got his money’s worth in White House meeting

The “open for business” sign on the White House attracted, among others, Wang Jun, chairman of Poly Technologies, a company controlled by the People’s Liberation Army. One of the company’s profit centers was the “importation and distribution of semi-automatic rifles for the U.S. domestic market.”

Between 1987 and 1993, the company and its affiliates sold more than $200 million worth of these guns in the United States. When Clinton piously signed into law the banning of certain semi-automatic weapons in 1994, Poly Technologies exploited export loopholes to circumvent the ban and ultimately resorted to old-fashioned smuggling.

Clinton pal Charlie Trie had greased the Wang Jun meeting with a $50,000 payment.

Wang Jun also owned a huge stake in a Hong Kong satellite company. On February 6, 1996, working through Clinton fixer Charlie Trie, Wang Jun wangled an intimate “coffee” with the president in the White House. The same day as the meeting Clinton signed waivers for four satellite launches by Chinese rockets. The fact that Poly Technologies was exporting missiles to Iran did not overly trouble the Clintons.

Just a week or so after Wang Jun’s excellent Washington adventure, a Chinese Long March 3B rocket, carrying the Loral-built Intelsat 708 satellite, crashed just after liftoff. In an even more scandalous development, Loral promptly sent a review team to China to assess the failure and suggest refinements.

Bernard Schwartz’s $632,000 made him the Dems’ top donor in 1996

Heading Loral was Bernard Schwartz, the number one Democrat donor in 1996. A House Committee would later describe Schwartz’s actions as “an unlicensed defense service for the PRC that resulted in the improvement of the reliability of the PRC’s military rockets and ballistic missiles.”

But hey, Hillary was not about to let her boy lose the 1996 election. In this ‘everything goes’ environment it was no wonder that the Clintons scuttled investigations into both the April 1996 crash of the USAF plane carrying commerce secretary Ron Brown and the July 1996 crash of TWA Flight 800.

The truth? Who cared? Certainly not Hillary. As she would famously say at the Benghazi hearings in 2013, "What difference, at this point, does it make?"

My newest book, Empire of Lies, is available in ebook and print versions at Amazon and Barnes & Noble. If you sign up to be a paid subscriber, you will receive a free signed copy when you email me, jackcashill@yahoo.com, with your name, address and any preferred inscription.